A few weeks ago, Karl Rove, President George W. Bush's former chief strategist, paid a visit to the Rev. Samuel Rodriguez, a man some have dubbed his Latino alter ego. As president of the National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference (NHCLC-which includes some 18,000 evangelical churches across the country-Rodriguez is known as a powerful orator and a politically savvy operator. He also sits at the juncture of two groups that Rove has courted assiduously on behalf of the Republican Party: Latinos and evangelicals. "If you're the Hispanic Karl Rove, then does that make me the Anglo Sam Rodriguez?" Rove asked as they sat down for breakfast at the Hyatt Regency in Sacramento.

For the next 45 minutes, the two discussed Republican outreach to Latinos. "We both believe that Hispanics are natural traditionalists and conservative, at least socially," says Rodriguez, who has not endorsed a presidential candidate. Though that would appear to align them with the GOP, the party's shrill rhetoric on illegal immigration has alienated many. "The Republican Party significantly needs to mend some fences with the Hispanic community," Rodriguez says he told Rove; the GOP strategist agreed, Rodriguez says. "They had an opportunity to fix this, and they didn't."

Rove has good reason to worry. Evangelicals are one of the fastest growing segments of the Latino community. In 2004, they represented about one-third of the Hispanic electorate (up from one-quarter in 2000), and 63 percent voted for Bush-the first time on record that a Republican presidential candidate won the Latino evangelical vote. In fact, according to the Pew Hispanic Center, the group accounted almost entirely for Bush's increased share of the overall Hispanic vote, which grew from about 35 percent in 2000 to roughly 40 percent in 2004. Yet the Republican nominee this time around, Senator John McCain, appears to be lagging among Latino evangelicals. Though there aren't many public polls on their preferences, a Pew Hispanic Center survey this summer found that Senator Barack Obama, the Democratic nominee, was leading among non-Catholic Latinos-the vast majority of whom are evangelical-by nearly two-to-one (he was leading almost three-to-one among Hispanics as a whole). "The Republican party should not take us for granted," says the Rev. Wilfredo De Jesus, an NHCLC executive board member who voted for Bush twice and now backs Obama. "We are a force to be reckoned with."

Latino evangelicals are a distinctive demographic. They tend to be more affluent, more educated and more acculturated than other Hispanics. They're also more likely to be citizens and more likely to vote. "They punch above their weight when it comes to electoral impact," says Luis Lugo of the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life. Politically, they tend to be highly conservative on social issues like abortion and gay marriage-in fact, more conservative than white evangelicals, according to various studies-but liberal on economic matters, such as publicly funded health care. They're also less driven by wedge issues than their Anglo counterparts. Latino evangelicals "tend to look at a candidate in a more holistic fashion," weighing positions on matters as diverse as high-school dropout rates and foreign policy, says Gaston Espinosa, a professor at Claremont McKenna College. "Having said that, abortion and the same-sex marriage issue are very important."

This year, the trend lines are disconcerting for Republicans. Bush was an appealing figure to Hispanic evangelicals-full of religious ardor, devoted to a conservative "life" agenda and appreciative of Latino culture. Yet many of them have soured on him as a result of the economic crisis and the war in Iraq. Moreover, GOP stridency on illegal immigration has made the party appear anti-Hispanic. The platform Republicans adopted at their convention didn't help. It called for declaring "English as the official language in our nation," and with regard to immigration, it emphasized border security and rejected "en masse legalizations." Rodriguez uses adjectives like "xenophobic," "nativist" and "anti-immigrant" to describe it. McCain has struggled in this environment. Though he championed immigration reform for years, he dialed back his support during the primaries. While he inspires evangelicals with his stances on abortion and gay marriage, he falls flat on economics. And unlike Bush, he's loath to discussing his faith (he was raised as an Episcopalian) openly.

Democrats, on the other hand, are in a stronger position than usual. Like American voters generally this year, Latino evangelicals have more confidence in Democratic approaches to issues like the economy and health care. And many have responded favorably to Obama's support for faith-based initiatives and his ease in talking about his religious beliefs. The sticking point, of course, is his defense of legalized abortion, though he has sought to neutralize that by stressing the importance of reducing the number of abortions. "Obama has run a brilliant campaign," says Espinosa, who plans to release the results of a survey on Hispanic (including Protestant) voter preferences next week. "It helps to allay fears among Latino evangelicals. Many are leaning Democratic anyway. They're looking for a reason to vote Democratic."

Obama has been aggressive in reaching out to Hispanic evangelicals, according to numerous pastors interviewed by NEWSWEEK. He has met with key religious figures, and attended a breakfast with 200 Latino pastors in Brownsville, Texas earlier this year. He and his surrogates participate in regular conference calls with church leaders. And his campaign has organized faith-focused town halls aimed at the Hispanic religious community. The McCain campaign hasn't been as active, according to the pastors. But Hessy Fernandez, a McCain spokeswoman, says that "in terms of reaching out to Hispanic evangelicals, we usually meet with the major organizations from time to time" and that evangelicals "know where John McCain stands" on issues like traditional marriage and immigration.

A month out from the election, many Latino evangelicals are still grappling with their presidential pick. "I've never been more conflicted in my life," says Alejandro Mandes, national director of Hispanic ministries for the Evangelical Free Church of America, which has roughly 350,000 members nationwide. "Social justice for me is number one," he says. "But if I can't guarantee justice for infants [by opposing abortion], what hope is there for anybody else?" That quandary has split some national organizations down the middle. Delegates of the National Coalition of Latino Clergy and Christian Leaders, an evangelical advocacy organization, recently voted on whom to endorse for president. The outcome: 53 percent chose McCain, and 47 percent sided with Obama. Rodriguez's organization, the NHCLC, has its own divisions. While the Rev. Mark Gonzalez, the group's vice president for governmental affairs, backs McCain, De Jesus, the organization's vice president for social justice, supports Obama.

De Jesus's endorsement was a coup for the Illinois senator's campaign. The senior pastor of Chicago's 4,500-member New Life Covenant Ministries-one of the biggest Latino evangelical churches in the country-De Jesus says that in past presidential elections, he opted for Republicans because of the "two hot buttons" of abortion and marriage. Those issues "continue to be on the forefront," he says. "But the trends are changing. Not that the buttons are changing. But we've elevated other issues like poverty and immigration." When De Jesus met Obama in person at the Brownsville gathering this year, he laid hands on the senator, prayed with him and sat down to discuss a variety of topics. "That was the turning point right there, hearing his heartbeat on issues important to us," says De Jesus. "Although we don't see eye to eye on certain issues, we can break bread and tackle some other issues that are hot for us." These days, De Jesus is traveling the country on behalf of Obama, cultivating support in battleground states like Florida and Colorado.

Rodriguez, however, is much more conflicted. He says he'll pull the lever for McCain in the voting booth but has no plans to publicly endorse him. He might have done so if the Republican leadership had publicly repudiated what he considers the party's xenophobic stances. On the other hand, "if Senator Obama was a pro-life, pro-traditional-marriage Democrat," he says, "I would have supported him completely." Neither scenario, of course, will come to pass. As Rigoberto Magaña, pastor of New Hope Christian Fellowship in Greeley, Colo., puts it, "If we could combine the two [candidates], it would really help us out. But I guess we don't have that luxury."

Same-Sex Marriage Ban Is Tied to Obama Factor

By JESSE McKINLEY
Courtesy of The New York Times and nytimes.com
September 28, 2008

SAN FRANCISCO - Could Senator Barack Obama's popularity among black voters hurt gay couples in California who want to marry?

That is the concern of opponents of Proposition 8, a measure on the November ballot that would amend the state constitution to ban same-sex marriage, which was legalized in May by the State Supreme Court.

Mr. Obama, the Democratic presidential nominee, is against the measure. But opponents of the proposed ban worry that many black voters, enthused by Mr. Obama's candidacy but traditionally conservative on issues involving homosexuality, could pour into voting stations in record numbers to punch the Obama ticket - and then cast a vote for Proposition 8.

"It's a Catch-22," said Andrea Shorter, the campaign director of And Marriage for All, a coalition of gay and civil rights groups that recently started what it calls an education campaign around the state, focusing on blacks and framing the issue of same-sex marriage as one of civil rights.

The Obama/Proposition 8 situation appeals to those opposed to same-sex marriage, who are banking on a high turnout by blacks and conservative Latinos. "There's no question African-American and Latino voters are among our strongest supporters," said Frank Schubert, the co-campaign manager for Yes on 8, the leading group behind the measure. "And to the extent that they are motivated to get to the polls, whether by this issue or by Barack Obama, it helps us."

To blunt that possibility, gay leaders and Proposition 8 opponents have been sponsoring casual events at restaurants in traditionally black neighborhoods in Los Angeles, meeting with black clergy members and recruiting gay black couples to serve as spokespeople on panels and at house parties and church events.

"This is black people talking to black people," said Ron Buckmire, the board president of the Barbara Jordan/Bayard Rustin Coalition, a gay rights group in Los Angeles. "We're saying, 'Gay people are black and black people are gay. And if you are voting conservative on an antigay ballot measure, you are hurting the black community.' "

Black voters account for 6 percent of likely voters in most statewide elections, according to the Public Policy Institute of California, while Hispanic voters make up about 15 percent. But taken together, those two groups could easily decide the election, people on both sides of the issue said.

"If the white Christian evangelic movement believes they can do it alone, I've got news for you," said the Rev. Samuel Rodriguez, the president of the National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference in Sacramento, which supports the measure. "They don't have the sheer numbers to do it without the minority effort."

The Obama factor is just one potential element in the battle over Proposition 8.

Both sides said they expected to spend $20 million or more to help blanket airwaves. One advertisement by opponents shows a heterosexual bride on her way to the altar thwarted by various obstacles - a broken door, a clingy child - before the tagline: "What if you couldn't marry the person you loved?"

Polls have shown Proposition 8 is trailing. A Field Poll of likely voters conducted last week found the measure was favored by 38 percent of voters and opposed by 55 percent. Mr. Obama, who has said he does not favor same-sex marriage, has stated his opposition to Proposition 8, calling the measure "divisive and discriminatory" in a letter to a gay Democratic club in San Francisco.

But opponents are not declaring victory.

"We think there's 15 to 20 percent that are still undecided on this issue," said Geoff Kors, executive director of Equality California, which supports gay rights. "We do believe that if we can get our message out at least equal to the other side, we will win, but that's a fund-raising issue."

Mr. Kors said opponents of Proposition 8 had raised about $12 million so far.

Supporters of the proposition, which qualified for the ballot shortly after the Supreme Court decision, said they had raised about $15 million.

Those donations include money from religious and conservative groups, including $1 million from the Knights of Columbus and $500,000 from the American Family Association, run by the Rev. Donald E. Wildmon. That group's Web site includes a fund-raising video for Proposition 8 featuring a clip of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. while a speaker comments on the duty of black pastors to speak out in favor of Proposition 8.

Some supporters of the measure also say they sense a newfound enthusiasm in their ranks since Gov. Sarah Palin became the running mate of the Republican presidential nominee, Senator John McCain.

"I think Governor Palin has obviously energized social conservatives and religious conservatives and all types of conservatives," said Bruce Hausknecht, judicial analyst with Focus on the Family Action, the lobbying arm of Focus on the Family, a conservative group that has spent nearly $450,000 on supporting Proposition 8. "And if that motivates more of them to get out to the ballot box than would have for John McCain by himself that has to benefit socially conservative issues like Prop. 8."

The black community has long had a conflicted relationship with gay men and lesbians, Mr. Buckmire said, equal parts homophobia and denial.

"For too long, black people seemed to think there were no gay people around, especially black ministers," Mr. Buckmire said. "They'd say the most insanely anti-gay things, and then the choir would come up and the choir is 50 percent gay."

Still, the tendency of black voters to oppose gay marriage extends beyond religion. Patrick J. Egan, an assistant professor of politics at New York University who has studied black voting patterns on same-sex marriage, said black voters consistently polled much lower than white voters on approval for same-sex marriage, about 16 percentage points, even when religion was not a factor.

Campaigns Courting Local Church Leader Candidates look to Samuel Rodriguez to attract Latino evangelical voters.

Courtesy of The Sacramento Bee

From his office in Sacramento, the Rev. Samuel Rodriguez has become the go-to pastor for presidential candidates seeking the votes of Latino evangelicals.

Republican hopefuls Sen. John McCain and former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee have sought the support of the president of the 18,000-church National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference. An aide to former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney also put in a call.

The Assemblies of God pastor, who works out of the Christian Worship Center in the Arden Arcade area, has also talked to the Democratic campaigns of Sens. Hillary Rodham Clinton and Barack Obama. Newsweek magazine recently included him in its list of new leaders to watch.

"I'm being courted by a number of candidates, but it's not Samuel Rodriguez they're courting; it's me as a symbol of the growing number of Latino evangelicals," said Rodriguez, who grew up in Pennsylvania and moved to Sacramento in 2000 to found the conference.

Not only are Latinos the fastest-growing share of the electorate, they're the fastest-growing group of evangelicals.

At least 8 million Latinos identify themselves as evangelicals, according to the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life.

The research organization also said that 64 percent of Latino evangelical voters supported President Bush in 2004 - up from 33 percent in 2000.

But Rodriguez believes their votes are up for grabs this year because of the hard line GOP lawmakers have taken on immigration policy.

"I want to stop illegal immigration, too," said Rodriguez, who is of Puerto Rican descent.

"But we need a compromise that takes into account people who have been working and raising families in this country for years."

Rodriguez, 38, said his heart broke last summer when Republicans in Congress blocked legislation by McCain and Sen. Edward Kennedy, D-Mass., that would have overhauled the nation's immigration laws.

During the debate, Rodriguez made several trips to Washington.

He also offered advice to McCain, whose legislation angered conservatives by providing a path to citizenship for people who they pointed out broke the law.

Sidney Blumenthal, a former aide to President Bill Clinton, credited Rodriguez's organization in an article in a British newspaper with helping to derail a proposal by Rep. James Sensenbrenner, R-Wis., calling for the deportation of more than 10 million illegal immigrants.

In the aftermath, Rodriguez dedicated himself to lowering what he considers the xenophobic tone of the immigration debate.

He contends the rhetoric has increased discrimination against Latinos who are legal residents.

Churches are precluded from engaging in partisan political campaigns because of their non-profit status.

But the NHCLC has launched a nationwide effort to register voters in member churches.

Rodriguez, whose parents were Democrats, declines to state his party affiliation.

But he maintains that most Latinos evangelicals are quintessential moderates - conservative on issues like abortion and gay marriage and liberal on social issues like poverty and the environment.

The challenge to Republicans who want their vote is to not allow themselves to be hijacked by the party's right wing, he said.

"Karl Rove understood this, which is why George Bush was elected," Rodriguez said.

"But Democrats also risk turning Latino evangelicals off by being so secular they're afraid to mention God."

Rodriguez says he may personally endorse a presidential candidate. But his main goal is getting candidates to focus on issues of importance to his churches, he said.

He sees something for Latino evangelicals to admire about several candidates.

McCain, he said, deserves their consideration for his "measured position" on immigration.

The Arizona senator wants to strengthen border security, but allow illegal immigrants who meet certain conditions to apply for legal residency.

Rodriguez also likes Huckabee, who was an evangelical minister before entering politics and as governor supported higher education benefits for children of illegal immigrants.

Romney, a Mormon, has taken a harder line on illegal immigration. But Rodriguez said that while evangelicals consider Mormons a sect - and not a part of their movement - they also believe in religious plurality.

Obama's election, Rodriguez said, would "send a message of hope to all minorities." And he calls Clinton an "intelligent, credible candidate."

Rodriguez, who sits on the executive committee of the National Association of Evangelicals, founded his organization to be its Latino arm.

He said he's built on the accomplishment of Rev. Jesse Miranda, who has been called the godfather of Latino evangelicals.

Miranda, professor emeritus at Vanguard University in Orange County, founded Alianza de Ministerios Evangelicos Nacionales, a multidenominational association of Latino Protestant lay and clergy leaders.

"My generation (of Latino evangelicals) was more insular," Miranda said.

"What Sammy has done is to reach outside the church to work on issues of importance to his churches."

Miranda said the principle of separation of church and state, derived from the U.S. Constitution, does not preclude Latino evangelicals from participating in public life.

"We're citizens, too, and our core values are not just spiritual, but economic and political as well," Miranda said.

"Sammy has done a good job of steering our churches in that direction as well."